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Thursday, August 17, 2023

Benefit-cost analysis without the benefits or the analysis: How not to write Merger Guidelines

NEW PAPER ON SSRN:  

The wealth-creating engine of capitalism is the movement of assets to higher-valued uses. Our biggest and most valuable assets, and those with the greatest wealth-creating potential are corporations. Antitrust law and practice work to facilitate this movement, while deterring the types of mergers which substantially lessen competition. 

Previous iterations of the DOJ/FTC Merger Guidelines have articulated a clear, rigorous, and transparent methodology for doing so.   By describing agency practice, guidelines facilitate compliance, ensure consistent and reasonable enforcement, which encourages good mergers and deters bad ones.  

As long as the methodology can distinguish the good from the bad mergers, this process works pretty well.  

Beginning in 1982 (Reagan/Baxter) the methodology relied heavily on economics.  At that time, the simple "big is bad" structural models focused on changes in market concentration. But by the early 1990's, Agency economists had begun using more realistic game theoretic models to both characterize observed pre-merger competition (calibration) and to predict the loss in competition following merger (simulation).  

By providing a transparent mapping from evidence to prediction, the models showed which evidence mattered, why it mattered, and how much it mattered (Werden et al., 2004).  Economic models gave credibility to antitrust conclusions because they were falsifiable.  All one party had to do was show that the inputs were wrong, e.g., "demand is much more elastic than you think" (Werden and Froeb, 1994), or that the model was wrong, e.g., "if we ignore advertising, you will understate the loss in competition among super-premium ice cream manufacturers" (Tenn et al., 2010).  

The most common models used by Agency economists, and the consultants that appear before them, are online at CompetitionToolBox.com.  

Attorneys are critical to this process, as they have to pitch the economists' work to the Agencies in a way that is credible, but also favors their client.  When these goals conflict, attorneys earn their hourly fees.  Also, by pushing back against economists, attorneys make the presentations better so that by the time they get to the Agencies, arguments are clear and persuasive.  

But the 2023 Draft Merger Guidelines seem to be trying to go back to the days before economics played such a large role.  Not only do the Draft Guidelines put economic analysis in the appendices, they don't say how it should guide the legal analysis.  Untethered from economics, the Agency heads are now freer to claim that what they do is consistent with the Guidelines.  In other words, the Draft Guidelines don't provide as much Guidance.  

What worries us most is their potential effect on innovation. In the late 1950s, Nobel Laureate Robert Solow attributed about seven-eighths of the growth in U.S. GDP to technical progress, and stressed the importance of policies to encourage growth— “Adding a couple of tenths of a percentage point to the growth rate is an achievement that eventually dwarfs in welfare significance any of the standard goals of economic policy,” which includes antitrust.

For example, the Draft Guidelines take particular aim at acquisitions made by US Tech Firms.  However, this kind of enforcement can discourage innovation by reducing the rewards from innovating.  In particular, acquisitions of tech firms often create the incentives that induce firms to innovate in the first place:
  • acquisitions of technology companies are critical in creating the incentives to innovate—for technology ventures, exits via acquisitions are about five times more likely than IPOs. These exits create an ex-ante incentive to innovate. 
  • In addition, investors evaluate regulatory risks as part of their due diligence when considering an investment; excessive regulatory risks, like those posed by uncertain antitrust enforcement, can deter investors from investing, particularly in the early and growth stages of ventures.
BOTTOM LINE:  Without a coherent merger analysis that embraces both benefits and costs and a way to weigh one against the other, the Draft Guidelines will likely deter mergers, regardless of whether they are anticompetitive.

=======ARTICLE========

Cost-Benefit Analysis Without the Benefits or the Analysis: How Not to Draft Merger Guidelines

7 Pages Posted: 14 Aug 2023

Luke M. Froeb

Vanderbilt University - Owen Graduate School of Management

D. Daniel Sokol

USC Gould School of Law; USC Marshall School of Business

Liad Wagman

Illinois Institute of Technology - Stuart School of Business, IIT

Date Written: August 10, 2023

Abstract

Previous iterations of the DOJ/FTC Merger Guidelines have articulated a clear, rigorous, and transparent methodology for balancing the pro-competitive benefits of mergers against their anticompetitive costs. By describing agency practice, guidelines facilitate compliance, ensure consistent and reasonable enforcement, increase public understanding and confidence, and promote international cooperation.

But the 2023 Draft Merger Guidelines do not. They go to great lengths to articulate the potential anticompetitive costs of mergers but with no way to gauge “substantiality.” Most significantly, they ignore potential benefits, which eliminates the need for balancing. In other words, the Draft Guidelines provide very little guidance about current practice which adds risk, which deters mergers, which seems to be the point. We offer specific recommendations for Horizontal, Vertical, and Tech Mergers that do a better job differentiating procompetitive mergers from anticompetitive ones.

Keywords: Antitrust, Merger Enforcement, Horizontal Mergers, Vertical Mergers, Technology Mergers

JEL Classification: L40, K21

Froeb, Luke M. and Sokol, D. Daniel and Wagman, Liad, Cost-Benefit Analysis Without the Benefits or the Analysis: How Not to Draft Merger Guidelines (August 10, 2023). Southern California Law Review, Forthcoming, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4537425

Thursday, September 5, 2019

10 Ways US and EU antitrust enforcement differs

The European system is:
• driven by competitor complaints.
• run by politicians rather than antitrust professionals.
• conceived of as regulation, not as law enforcement.
• grounded in a skepticism of markets.
• lacks the due process of US court proceedings.
• allows for appeal, but only after modifying conduct.
• lacks the burden of proof of an adversarial system.
• does not impeach unsound theories.
• has a low bar for anticompetitive effects.
• receptive to leveraging theories.
• does not recognize competition on the merits.

Antitrust and Tech: Europe and the United States Differ, and It Matters
8 Pages Posted: 4 Sep 2019

Gregory J. Werden

unaffiliated

Luke M. Froeb

Vanderbilt University - Owen Graduate School of Management
Date Written: August 26, 2019

Abstract

European enforcers have brought high-profile antitrust cases against the tech giants, and both activists and members of Congress are calling for action in the United States. This short note identifies ten hard-wired differences between the European and American enforcement regimes that make very it difficult for the US antitrust enforcement agencies to emulate their European counterparts. This note also identifies a few other points of contrast between Europe and the United States that affect antitrust enforcement against tech giants going forward.
Keywords: tech giants, antitrust
JEL Classification: K21, L41
Suggested Citation:

Werden, Gregory J. and Froeb, Luke M., Antitrust and Tech: Europe and the United States Differ, and It Matters (August 26, 2019). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3442798

Tuesday, February 20, 2024

Deterrence in Merger Review: Likely Impacts of Recent U.S. Policy Changes

Luke M. Froeb Vanderbilt University - Owen Graduate School of Management 

 Steven Tschantz Vanderbilt University - Department of Mathematics 

 Gregory J. Werden Independent; George Mason University - Mercatus Center 

 Date Written: January 30, 2024 

We model deterrence in a multistage merger review process, potentially ending in a court proceeding. Potential merging parties sequentially decide whether to begin the process, and whether to proceed to the next stage, in the face of uncertainty about what the enforcement agency or court will do. The model is designed to explore the complex impacts of policy changes in a costly regulatory process subject to uncertainty, and in particular to elucidate the likely impact of policy changes by the two U.S. enforcement agencies. The model shows why those policy changes can be expected to succeed in deterring bad mergers but at the cost of deterring a greater number of good mergers. 

 Keywords: mergers, deterrence, antitrust, regulation 

 JEL Classification: K22, L10, L40, L50 

Froeb, Luke M. and Tschantz, Steven T. and Werden, Gregory J., Deterrence in Merger Review: Likely Impacts of Recent U.S. Policy Changes (January 30, 2024). 

Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4709897 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4709897

Monday, October 9, 2017

Repost: Bargaining exam question

Bargaining exam question

Suppose that a grocery store knows that 50% of its customers are Coke Loyalists (they consume only Coke); 25% are Pepsi Loyalists (they consume only Pepsi); and 25% are Switchers (they will consume either Coke or Pepsi).  If the Grocery store did not carry Pepsi, they would earn $15 million on Coke sales (before payment to Coke);  and if the store did not carry Coke, it would earn $10 million on Pepsi sales (before payment to Pepsi).  Currently the store carries both Coke and Pepsi, and earns 20 million on total soft drink sales (before payment to Coke and Pepsi).
  1. How is the $20 million profit split between Coke, Pepsi, and the Grocery store?
  2. How would the profit be split if Coke and Pepsi merged and bargained jointly?
HINT:  the alternatives to agreement determine the terms of agreement.

NOTE:  Professors, e mail me for the answer.

REFERENCE:  Werden, Gregory and Luke Froeb, Unilateral Competitive Effects of Horizontal Mergers II: Auctions and Bargaining, Issues in Competition Law and Policy, W. Dale Collins (ed.), ABA Section of Antitrust Law, 2008, vol. 2, 1343. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=956400

Monday, April 22, 2024

US v. Google: do complaints have to be internally consistent?

From former DOJ Economist Greg Werden: 
The governments case suggests that its exclusive deals with Apple and Mozilla to be the default search engine on their browsers “allowed Google to maintain its monopoly power [in "general search"] in violation of Section 2 of the Sherman Act.”  
However, the government's brief also suggests that Google's scale is very important, which implies that its scale economies--not its exclusive deals--that maintain Google’s dominant share. 

Friday, August 9, 2024

How should Apple and Mozilla be paid by Google?

WSJ on the antitrust ruling against Google.:
“Google has not achieved market dominance by happenstance. It has hired thousands of highly skilled engineers, innovated consistently, and made shrewd business decisions,” Judge Mehta writes. “The result is the industry’s highest quality search engine, which has earned Google the trust of hundreds of millions of daily users.”
So what’s the antitrust problem? The judge says Google’s advertising revenue-sharing payments to Apple, Mozilla and others for default placement have made it harder for potential startups and Microsoft to compete.
Greg Werden on the economics behind the payments:
Apple and Mozilla, which developed Safari and Firefox, did not develop search engines. Instead, they rented out default status in their browsers for a share of the advertising revenue consequently earned by the tenant search engine.
Google pays Apple 36 percent of its gross revenue from Safari search queries ... approximately $20 billion in 2022. Google paid Mozilla ... more than $150 million in 2020, ...approximately 80 percent of Mozilla’s revenue. 

BOTTOM LINE: Apple and Mozilla developed and own valuable "property" (browsers). Google rents space on their property to display ads. Now that the court has outlawed Google's payments for default placement, Apple and Google and Mozilla and Google will have to find another way to transact.

Monday, August 15, 2022

Departing FTC Commissioner plugs coauthor's book


A plug from a departing FTC Commissioner seems more significant than from one just starting out.  Interview with Noah Phillips (link): 

The best thing I have read recently is Greg Werden [career economist at Department of Justice, Antitrust Division], Foundations of Antitrust, ..is... so well written. It’s so readable. Right? A lot of the stuff I do is not particularly readable, but I think his book is terrific.

PS. The photo above is of John Sherman of the Sherman Antitrust Act, brother of William T Sherman of Civil War fame.  

Saturday, February 17, 2024

Four Myths about Price Discrimination

In an earlier post, Soda Prices are Too Low for the FTC, the Biden Administration seems to be trying to turn back the clock to a time when price discrimination was viewed as bad.  Lest we repeat the mistakes of the past, it is worthwhile to remember its lessons.   

 See this 2003 talk by some middling FTC economists. Here the conclusions:  

 

BOTTOM LINE:  Determining the role that price discrimination plays in antitrust enforcement typically requires the kind of difficult and time consuming economic analysis the Biden administration is trying to avoid.
Cooper, James C. and Froeb, Luke M. and O'Brien, Daniel P. and Tschantz, Steven T., Does Price Discrimination Intensify Competition? Implications for Antitrust (2005). Antitrust Law Journal, Vol. 72, No. 2, pp. 327-373, 2005, George Mason Law & Economics Research Paper No. 14-30, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2470135
Werden, Gregory J. and Froeb, Luke M., Can the FTC Turn Back the Clock? (August 15, 2021). Antitrust Magazine Online, Oct. 2021, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3909851

Thursday, April 11, 2019

Don't Panic: A Guide to Claims of Increasing Concentration

Don't Panic: A Guide to Claims of Increasing Concentration 


Vanderbilt Owen Graduate School of Management Research Paper No. 3156912

 Gregory J. Werden U.S. Department of Justice - Antitrust Division

 Luke M. Froeb Vanderbilt University - Owen Graduate School of Management

 Abstract: The Obama Administration’s Council of Economic Advisers expressed concern that competition was threatened by increasing industry concentration. Academics, commentators, and journalists have joined the chorus. But none demonstrated increasing concentration of meaningful markets, as are used in antitrust to assess the impact of mergers and trade restraints. The claims of increasing concentration are based on data that are far too aggregated. Market concentration can remain the same or decline despite increasing concentration for broad aggregates. Mergers have not increased concentration in airline and banking markets. Moreover, where market concentration has increased, that does not demonstrate a failure of antitrust law or its enforcement; market concentration naturally increases when the most innovative and efficient firms grow.

 Keywords: concentration, competition, antitrust, mergers

Tuesday, May 21, 2024

New article by some middling economists on President Biden's merger enforcement

DETERRENCE IN MERGER REVIEW: LIKELY EFFECTS OF: RECENT U.S. POLICY CHANGES (link)

 By Luke M. Froeb, Steven T. Tschantz & Gregory J. Werden 

We model likely effects of Biden Administration changes in merger enforcement on five discrete decisions in the review process. We find that the policy changes can be expected to stop many bad mergers but only at the cost of stopping even more good mergers, largely as a consequence of the increased cost of the regulatory gauntlet.


Thursday, July 1, 2021

I am not sure this is how I would characterize my work, but ...

Why the US is so friendly to monopolies

What they're saying: "Numerous hard-wired differences between the European and American enforcement regimes make it very difficult for U.S. antitrust enforcement agencies to emulate their EU counterparts," wrote antitrust experts Gregory Werden and Luke Froeb in an article in 2019. 

In 10 different areas, they found it much easier to crack down on large monopolies in Europe than in the U.S.

The big picture: European antitrust measures are decided by politicians; in the U.S. it's up to judges.

Monday, August 6, 2007

Will negotiating teams from the same firm compete against one another?

The FTC ruled that a merger between two hospitals in Evanston reduced competition and raised prices to managed care organizations (MCO's). To see how such a merger could affect price, consult your favorite managerial economics textbook:

Suppose a managed care organization (MCO) ... puts together a network of hospitals to serve its client base. The MCO bargains with individual hospitals over whether to include them in the network and what price they’ll charge if included in the network. To get better prices, the MCO threatens to exclude one hospital in favor of a nearby substitute hospital. But if the two hospitals merge and bargain together, [the MCO's can no longer play the hospitals off against each other]. [1]

The interesting part of the FTC decision from a management point of view is the remedy requiring that the merged hospital establish separate and independent contract negotiating teams – one for each hospital – that will allow managed care organizations to negotiate separately with each hospital.

The remedy is designed to create a deliberate incentive conflict between the two negotiating teams. If insurers are able to play the two teams off against each other, then competition will be restored to pre-merger levels.
--------------------
[1] See Werden, Gregory and Luke Froeb, Unilateral Competitive Effects of Horizontal Mergers II: Auctions and Bargaining, Issues in Competition Law and Policy, W. Dale Collins (ed.), ABA Section of Antitrust Law, SSRN.

Tuesday, December 1, 2009

Bargaining exam question

Suppose that a grocery store knows that 50% of its customers are Coke Loyalists (they consume only Coke); 25% are Pepsi Loyalists (they consume only Pepsi); and 25% are Switchers (they will consume either Coke or Pepsi).  If the Grocery store did not carry Pepsi, they would earn $15 million on Coke sales (before payment to Coke);  and if the store did not carry Coke, it would earn $10 million on Pepsi sales (before payment to Pepsi).  Currently the store carries both Coke and Pepsi, and earns 20 million on total soft drink sales (before payment to Coke and Pepsi). 
  1. How is the $20 million profit split between Coke, Pepsi, and the Grocery store?
  2. How would the profit be split if Coke and Pepsi merged and bargained jointly?
HINT:  the alternatives to agreement determine the terms of agreement.

NOTE:  Professors, e mail me for the answer.

REFERENCE:  Werden, Gregory and Luke Froeb, Unilateral Competitive Effects of Horizontal Mergers II: Auctions and Bargaining, Issues in Competition Law and Policy, W. Dale Collins (ed.), ABA Section of Antitrust Law, 2008, vol. 2, 1343. Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=956400